Gender Based Violence: Roots & Solutions

The problem of violence against women is conceptualized as one of gender inequality inflicted on women because of their subordinate social status (Pan American Health Organization, 2003), and the unequal distribution of power and resources between women and men (Pan American Health Organization, 2002).  The United Nations  (1992) further goes on to state that gender based violence, is violence that is directed towards a woman because she is a woman or affects women disproportionately. It includes acts that inflict physical, mental or sexual harm or suffering, threats of such acts, coercion and other deprivations of liberty (UNIFEM, 2003).  With this definition in mind, a broad range of violent behaviors aimed at establishing a regime of power and control by men over women exist. The manifestations of these behaviors are contingent on the cultural, religious and societal norms in the areas where they occur and may include; domestic violence and forced marriages; rape and sexual assault; stalking and sexual harassment; trafficking of women in the sex work industry; female genital mutilation; sex selection abortions; honor killings; forced malnutrition and bonded labor (Public Health Reports 2000; UNICEF 2000). In the Caribbean, most incidents of violence against women have traditionally included; domestic violence; rape and sexual assault; sexual harassment; verbal abuse and discrimination, especially in the workplace, all of which have accompanying psychological effects (UNIFEM, 2007).

            The recent incident involving alleged domestic violence perpetrated against Barbadian singing sensation Rhianna may have publicized the issue of violence against women, but this issue remains an ill that bisects all social and economic backgrounds (Mullender, 1996). Incidents such as this one are not isolated, as the World Health Organization (2008) reports that between 15 and 71 percent of women worldwide have suffered physical or sexual abuse by an intimate partner. In the Caribbean, the US State Department (2008) reports that this scourge affects women all across territories. In the Bahamas for example, 54 killings were related to domestic violence and 114 cases of rape were reported (US State Department, 2008). The data also shows that similar patterns exist in The Dominican Republic, Haiti, Guyana, Jamaica and many other islands.

            The advent of the women's movement and both governmental and non-governmental organizations has brought the issue of violence against women to the fore, yet these despicable acts continue to be carried out at alarming levels. Consequently, it is essential to examine the claim by White, Donat & Bondurant (2001) that he roots of violence against women can be found in the experiences of girls and boys, and the messages learned in and the consequences of these early experiences are repeated and reinforced in adolescence and young adulthood.

            This statement implies that sociocultural, economic and psychological factors are responsible for the creation of gender roles and ultimately the perpetuation of gender based violence. Bem (1981, 1984) proposed gender schema theory to explain the development of gender stereotyping. She used Piaget's concept of schema or cognitive structure, to conceptualize the development of gender role identity. According to Piaget, a schema is developed from previous learning and is used when filtering and interpreting new information, thus the formation of gender schema is rooted in in the sociocultural, economic and psychological factors that an individual is subjected to.

             In the Caribbean, when we speak of the conceptualization of gender, we cannot ignore the historical factors that affect this process (LeFranc & Rock, 2001). The main historical factors are the influence of slavery, American sociology and British anthropology (Chevannes, 2001). These factors have distorted the concept of machismo or maleness, which now represents male chauvinism, authoritarianism and violence against women (Canales in Lewis, 2003). This view of masculinity has also been encouraged by the historically patriarchal system in which exists, where men are seen as the heads of households and have rights to devalue, humiliate and hurt women (Brinstock, 1998). Consequently, it is the accepted norm for a father or husband to batter his wife and children as a means of controlling them (Malinowski).

            If we integrate Bem's gender schema theory with the social constructivist perspective and Bandura's Theory of social learning, then it becomes quite clear that the socialization process of Caribbean children ensures the continuity of the cycle of violence.  The constructivist perspective contends that ideologies such as social reality are deemed to be cultural constructs (Ramirez in Lewis, 2003), hence, gender is also a social construct (Ortner & Whitehead, 1981). Therefore, masculine and feminine domains are established and defined by specific attributes, tasks and symbols (Ramirez in Lewis, 2003). As a result, gender schema is organized as either being male or female and is sustained and disguised by a system of symbols, meanings, ascriptions and expectancies, where the masculine domain is privileged with the consequent subordination and devaluation of the feminine domain.

            The socialization process is the process whereby values and behavioral norms are transferred to a succeeding generation (Chevannes, 2001). This process instills early gender role divisions, early sexual initiation and the transition to adulthood and essentially serves as the means through which social identity is embodied. Hence, it is not only the process of socialization that is important, but also the setting in which the process is carried out. The setting is critical because it explicitly or implicitly defines how children view themselves or govern their day-to-day interpersonal and social relationships. Traditionally, the family, school and the church have been the main institutional agents in emphasizing and instilling values, but the streets seem to be taking over this role. As a result, more of the negative values and misconception of gender are being reinforced. Dann (1987), in a study conducted in Barbados, pointed out that boys felt the differences between themselves and girls at a young age doing outdoor chores such as sweeping the yard while girls did indoor chores such as washing the dishes. These findings were later supported by Badinter & Messner (1997) and Beal (1994), who in examining general themes of childhood gender socialization found that boys were socialized to avoid perceived feminine activities, while girls were taught to rehearse their perceived social and domestic roles. Later on, a 1994 ethnographic study by Barry Chevannes conducted in Jamaica found that the socialization process involved the widespread acceptance of corporal punishment. Beatings were usually carried out by fathers and it was the held view that this was the role of the man. This enforced the attitudes that accept violent social behavior as the norm. Additionally, pain and the threat of pain were also seen as effective means of socializing children, which in itself only served to strengthen the belief that flogging instills the right values. He also discovered that the accepted roles of women was looking after children, doing housework and preparing meals for their males counterparts, while it was accepted that males were to be the breadwinners and were free to lime at the bar or rum shop. It was also seen that young boys in basic play expressed anger by verbally or in gesture threatening violence to one another. This behavior reemerged  in the teenage years when altercations were solved by resorting to violence. Finally, it was also seen that from an early age boys engaged in play by chasing girls with their erect penises, another behavior that went unpunished and later manifested in the mentality of gang rape. Chevannes' conclusion was that from a young age males generally attempted to subordinate their women and violence was often the means through this was achieved.

            Although, these studies represent different settings, the results can be generalized to the majority of Caribbean islands because they share similar backgrounds and historical experiences. We can therefore conclude that socialization is a process of reinforcement that constantly reinforces negative beliefs, behaviors and attitudes that lead men to construct forms of masculine identities through which they are able to control women (Heam, 1998).

            Although, the socialization process and the social construction of gender roles play major roles in continuing the cycle of violence against women, we must appreciate that they do not operate independently. The sociocultural context of violence against women is especially important because it further illuminates the link between masculinity and violence. It, therefore, was and still is an instrument of power and a means of maintaining a status quo that favors men and boys (Binstock, 1998).

             Sociocultural actors that maintain these negative attitudes may involve social taboos, gender roles and religious conservatism. In some cultures,  certain issues are taboo as a result of the perceived stigma and embarrassment related to discussing and addressing these issues. This is the case with domestic violence in many Caribbean islands, therefore many women chose to accept the abuse as the norm and keep quiet about it. In fact, the issue of violence has been reduced to a gendered practice whereby men accomplish or do gender (Anderson & Umberson, 2001). Thus, domestic violence goes unpunished because assistance is  not sought from police and offenders are not prosecuted, and this only serves to strengthen and reinforce the cycle (UNIFEM, 2008). Gender roles are norms in societies that tend to portray men as being active and women as passive. Social expectations about how women should behave can place them in subordinate roles. Consequently, women who are financially, materially or socially dependent on men may have limited power to exercise control in a relationship.

            Economic factors also serve as a catalyst for gender based violence because they often precipitate confrontation (LeFranc et al, 2001), thus, financial support and expectations of this support for children and household affairs, spending and consumption practices all provide points of contention that may lead to conflicts and violence.  Links have been made between social class and parental values (Kohn, 1969), where middle income families valued autonomy in their children while lower income families valued conformity. As a matter of fact, obedience as a behavioral outcome is regarded as an ideal among groups of lower socio-economic standing (Kerr, 1952). Wilson, Wilson & Berkley-Caines (2003)  in testing this hypothesis in Guyana found that on average parents viewed obedience as the most desirable characteristic for girls of all age groups and the preference for this characteristic increased during adolescence. Studies have also found that significantly higher numbers of women on low incomes report both domestic violence and sexual assault (Walby & Allen, 2004). Additionally, the incidence of rape is also higher for women living on lower incomes, though not as high as that of domestic violence (Walby et al, 2004). Furthermore, women who are unemployed or involved in domestic duties as their primary role are more vulnerable to domestic violence (Walby et al, 2004). The hypothesis presented here is that financial resources and employment provide a measure of protection for women that prevent domestic violence or the entrapment in relationships of abuse. Hence, women in employment are less isolated, hold financial power and have greater resources to separate if they are being abused. Evidence also shows that male unemployment provides an increased risk factor for violence (Burgois, 1996).

            In the Caribbean, two main psychological factors have been identified as the main causes of gender based violence. These are inherent jealousy and perceived challenges to control and possession (LeFranc et al, 2001). In Caribbean relations, unfaithfulness or the mere suspicion of unfaithfulness on the part of the woman is sufficient to induce violent confrontation. Therefore, it appears that fear on the part of the male and accusations of unfaithful behavior can be put forward as an explanation for any kind of unsatisfactory domestic situation or state of affairs. Essentially, this explanation deals with the issue of fear and male instability. Studies have establishes links between the amount of control a man has over his social situation and his comfort levels in said relationship. Dissent or argument of any kind is not easily tolerated; independent decisions by females about household matters may be resisted. Work outside the home by partners may be resisted or downright prohibited. This orientation can frequently spill over into other areas of a man's social existence because he must be in control of everything (LeFranc et al, 2001). As a result, domestic relations may be characterized by constant conflicts and challenges for authority power and control within the relationship, hence, disturbances of the status quo may elicit a violent response because through the practice and discourse of violence, an opportunity is provided for men to reconstruct contested and unstable masculinities shaped by cultural and structural changes (Boonzaier & De La Rey, 2004).

            In conclusion, one must agree with White, Donat & Bondurant (2001) when they declare that gender based violence is rooted in the experiences of girls and boys and the messages learned and the consequences of reinforcing these experiences. This statement is supported by cross-cultural studies which found that nearly a fifth of small scale and peasant societies are essentially free of gender based violence, hence, it the issue is not one of male biology or sexuality but a matter of how society views masculinity (Heise, 1994). Therefore, the socialization processes in the Caribbean, along with sociocultural, economic and psychological factors has created a paradigm of gender entrapment that ensures the continuity of the cycle of gender based violence (Richie, 1994).

            Even though a high level of distress and trauma may be experienced by the parties involved in gender based violence, there may be a high level of tolerance exhibited over long periods of time (Mwammenda, 1999). In the Caribbean, reasons for such tolerance include; feelings of shame or fear of being stigmatized; a sense of duty or a strong desire to conform; pressure from family members to accept and tolerate the status quo; financial and economic insecurities; perceptions of limited alternatives; reluctance to disrupt a patterned and committed domestic existence; lack of information about sources of help; love or sympathy for the partner and the 'for the sake of the children' scenario (LeFranc et al, 2001). Collectively, these excuses along with a culture of silence are used to sustain and deny the seriousness of the health consequences of abuse, hence eliminating the scourge is proving difficult. However, there are ways in which this can be achieved.

            From an international stand point policy and legislation must be put in place to outlaw violence against women. To this end, the United Nations through UNFPA has recognized that “violence against women is the most pervasive, yet the least recognized human rights abuse in the world.” They have recognized that violence against women is inexplicably linked to gender based inequalities and have therefore set out to putting every effort into breaking the silence and ensuring that the voices of women are heard. As a result, the International Violence Against Women Act has been enacted by all members of the UN Security Council and individual sovereignties have enacted legislation and policies to deal with the perpetrators and victims.

             Even though legislation is in place, the overarching cause gender based violence, the paradigm of masculinity that allows for conflict resolution through violence, must be changed before there is progress. One strategy is to engage men-policy makers, parents and young boys-in discourse about the dynamics and consequences of domestic violence (Heise, 1994). This has been tried in tested in Mauritania where Imams, who traditionally condoned the practice of spousal rape, have collaborated with men in society to break the taboo of discussing rape and lending support to the constabulary in prosecuting perpetrators.

            Additionally, to break the cycle, there must be provisions made for economic growth of women, improved access to health services for victims and humanitarian assistance provided. The United Nations has established several funds and programs that seek to address these issues such as UNFPA Country programs and UNICEF initiatives, that provide counseling for victims of abuse, launch self-help programs that are aimed at economic self-sufficiency and provide humanitarian assistance. Other initiatives such as the establishment of Gender Affairs Divisions in various Caribbean islands have also been undertaken (UNIFEM, 2003).

            The above mentioned solutions only serve to address the problem after it has occurred but the aim is to prevent it from occurring in the first place. To successfully conquer this monster, education must be the key. Education is the key to reshaping how we perceive gender roles and our consequent treatment and valuations of females in society. Educational programs about how domestic violence can be eliminated have been around for many years, with varying degrees of success. For example, educating persons about the dangers of some behaviors have changed and reshaped perceptions of rape in Mauritania, Romania and Sierra Leone to name a few (UNFPA, 2005).

            Although these solutions are all plausible, there are many constraints that can and are affecting their proper implementation. Firstly, these programs are expensive to implement to implement and sustain and if funding is not available then it would not be possible. Secondly, and most important is persons attitudes towards change. Investments or legislation do not matter, if persons do not want to change. Hence, the potentiality for change resonates with the individual and as individuals we must say to ourselves that it is time for a change and this will be the only way the problem of gender based violence will be eliminated.